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It's time for a national renewable portfolio standard

The energy policy that kicks ass and gets too little support

Posted by David Roberts at 11:57 AM on 02 Aug 2007

Read more about: energy | politics | renewable energy

As this story in the WaPo makes clear, one of the more controversial measures in the House energy bill is a national renewable portfolio standard (RPS), which would require that utilities produce 20 percent of their electricity from renewable sources by 2020. Legislators in Southern states -- where, it is conventionally thought, there is little renewable power available -- oppose it. They're afraid their constituents will be stuck with higher energy prices.

They are wrong. A national RPS would benefit energy consumers in all states.

Furthermore, it is one of the most effective and important measures in shifting from fossil to renewable energy. It is as or more important than a cap-and-trade system or a carbon tax. It doesn't get the attention or support it warrants in the energy debate.

It's time people speak up on its behalf. A national RPS needs to become a central part of the climate change policy message. Call your Representatives and Senators and ask them to support it.

Why do I think a national RPS is such a big deal? Because I read this: "Renewing AmericaRenewing America: The Case for Federal Leadership on a National RPS." It's a new report from the Network for New Energy Choices, written by policy director Chris Cooper and research fellow Dr. Benjamin Sovacool.

Now, look. I know it's unlikely that any of you are going to run off and read a 150-page PDF. I do that stuff for you. That's how much I love you people.

But for over a week now, I've been pondering how to boil those 150 pages down into a compact post, and it's friggin' tough. It's one of the best things I've ever read on electricity, just enormously educational and persuasive. But hard to boil down. I think what I'll do is, when I get back from Chicago, I'll return to the report and extract interesting bits and pieces, one at a time. But I wanted to get this up because it's relevant to this week's House energy debate.

So for those of you who don't want to read the long post that follows, here are some key takeaway points:

  • Right now there is a patchwork of over 20 state RPSs. Each has slightly different and sometimes incompatible standards and rules, which prevent interstate trading of energy credits. This inhibits the development of renewable energy and presents a "free rider" problem, with power producers in non-RPS states benefiting unjustly. A national RPS is far preferable to today's patchwork of state RPSs.
  • Electricity consumers in every region of the country would save money under a national RPS -- up to $49 billion nationwide.
  • A national RPS would create 80% more jobs than comparable investment in fossil fuels -- the greatest number of jobs in the states that have been hardest hit by the loss of manufacturing.
  • All states have renewable resources that can be developed.
  • A national RPS would save billions of gallons of water, reduce air pollution, reduce total land occupied by power generation, and lower CO2 emissions.

Below, I'm reprinting the executive summary of the report. It's worth reading, and I swear, so is the whole report. More on this in coming weeks.

-----

Renewing America: The Case for Federal Leadership on a National RPS: Executive Summary

In a little over the last decade, at least 21 states have passed renewable portfolio standards (RPS) -- laws requiring electricity suppliers to employ a certain percentage of renewable energy to meet growing energy demands. In that same time, Congress has considered (and rejected) at least 17 different proposals for a national RPS.

Each time a national RPS is debated, opponents argue that a federal mandate will increase electricity rates and cost utilities billions of dollars by forcing investments in expensive renewable technologies. The Bush Administration officially rejects a national RPS on the grounds that it would create "winners and losers" among regions of the country and increase electricity prices in places where renewable resources are less abundant or harder to cultivate.

This summer, Congress will again take up the issue of a national RPS and this report is designed to ensure that the debate moves beyond repetition of the war-torn canards that have plagued past discussions. "Renewing America" is designed as a comprehensive briefing book on RPS issues.

This report moves beyond past evaluations in a very important way. Instead of analyzing how a federal RPS would affect ratepayers, utilities and the environment relative to a world without any RPS policy, "Renewing America" evaluates the efficacy of a national standard given the existing (and expanding) universe of state-based RPS laws. "Renewing America" is unique from other reports by answering a question most have not yet tackled: Is a national RPS better or worse than a patchwork of state-based standards?

Cost:

A National RPS Lowers Energy Costs

Consumers in every region save billions, a total of $49.1 billion nationwide.

A 20 percent by 2020 federal RPS would decrease consumer energy bills by an average of 1.5 percent per year, and save consumers in ever region billions of dollars:

West South Central: $13.3 billion
East North Central: $8.4 billion
California: $6.0 billion
Mid-Atlantic: $5.7 billion
Mountain: $5.0 billion
South Atlantic: $2.9 billion
Northwest: $2.6 billion
West North Central: $2.2 billion
East South Central: $1.6 billion
New England: $1.4 billion

• Larger economies of scale decrease costs 20% to 60%.

A national RPS by 2020 could lower construction costs for wind turbines by more than 20 percent and decrease the cost of biomass generators by nearly 60 percent.

• Lower natural gas prices save consumers $10 to $40 billion.

Renewable generation offsets natural gas combustion. A 1 percent decrease in natural gas demand can reduce the price of natural gas by up to 2.5 percent. Nine of fifteen studies found that a national RPS would save consumers $10 to $40 billion in natural gas expenditures.

• Higher RPS targets save utilities 0.4 to 0.6 cents per kWh.

Renewable resources can serve as a "hedge" against the financial risks associated with volatility in the natural gas market. The value of this "hedge benefit" increases as the percent of the RPS mandate increases.

• Uniform rules for trading renewable energy credits (RECs) save utilities $14 billion.

By eliminating geographical barriers, a national REC trading system would increase market volume and provide a predictable rate of return for investors. A federal RPS with a nationwide REC trading system saves utilities $14 billion compared to an RPS without national REC trading.

• Renewables generate 80% more jobs than equal investment in fossil fuels.

A 20% RPS by 2020 would create as many as 240,000 new jobs -- in manufacturing, construction, operations, maintenance, shipping, sales and finance -- versus 75,000 jobs if the energy were provided by fossil fuels.

• A national RPS creates new jobs in states with the greatest manufacturing losses.

The 20 states that would gain the most manufacturing jobs from a national investment in wind energy, for example, represent more than 2/3 of the manufacturing jobs lost in the U.S. between 2001 and 2004.

• Quicker lead times minimize expensive construction cost overruns.

Renewable technologies have quicker lead times (2 to 5 years) than conventional or nuclear plants (10 to 15 years), decreasing the financial risk associated with borrowing millions of dollars to finance generators that take10 to 15 years before they start producing a single kilowatt of electricity.

Industry:

A National RPS will jump-start U.S. materials and manufacturing sectors

• American companies have enough materials for major expansions in wind energy.

American composite manufacturers say they can provide enough fiberglass at competitive prices in the next three years to power 100,000 MW of new wind energy (nearly 6 percent of the country's entire electricity supply).

• Increased demand for wind components creates new American industries.

Increased demand for wind turbine materials and components will allow more than 16,000 companies (with over 1 million employees) to enter the turbine manufacturing market.

• A national RPS will improve manufacturing efficiency.

More domestic renewable energy manufacturing facilities will save utilities money by decreasing reliance on overseas shipments of materials, which suffer from unfavorable exchange rates.

Transmission:

A National RPS Speeds Investment in Critical Infrastructure

• Utilities benefit from congestion pricing

When transmission is saturated, prices increase because there is not enough electricity to meet demand. Market forces create perverse incentives for some utilities to profit from congestion prices, delaying new transmission until the system is at risk of catastrophic failure.

• A national RPS forces critical transmission system upgrades

Maintaining adequate transmission will require the construction of 26,600 miles of new transmission in the next decade, quadrupling planned expenditures to $56 billion by 2011.

• Renewable energy overcomes public objection to new transmission lines

Case studies show that public opposition to transmission lines turns into widespread support when utilities justify the infrastructure with the need to interconnect new renewable generation.

• A national RPS speeds recovery of transmission investments

Because of their quicker lead-times, renewable energy systems can start providing revenue to help pay down debt on transmission investments while conventional plants are waiting to come online. Expedited debt repayment decreases capital costs and lowers electricity rates.

• Increased deployment of renewables improves system reliability

The variability of renewable resources becomes easier to manage the more they are deployed. When energy is not available in one area, it is made up by larger outputs of renewable energy in other areas.

• More renewable energy decreases the need for reserve capacity

Modern wind turbines have a technical reliability of 97.5 percent, compared to coal and natural gas plants with a reliability of 85 to 90 percent. Higher technical reliability lowers the probability of unexpected outages and requires less short-term operating reserve.

Fairness:

A National RPS Creates a Level Playing Field for States

• Uniform rules avoid "free riders"

Some states enjoy artificially deflated electricity prices from cheap, dirty sources of energy, while ratepayers in RPS states pick up the tab for cleaning the air and water and diversifying the nation's electricity generation.

• A national RPS prevents utilities from profiting off of inconsistencies

Because Washington's RPS excludes hydropower, for example, Washington's low-cost renewable energy is sold to consumers in neighboring states, while Washington ratepayers are forced to buy higher-cost renewable energy credits from generators outside the state. In effect, Washington consumers are subsidizing cheaper renewable energy for surrounding states. A national RPS prevents these kinds of predatory trade-offs by creating a uniform definition of eligible renewable fuels.

• All states have renewable resources

The Southeast has the potential to add 2,941 MW of electricity from additions to existing hydroelectric facilities. The Tennessee Valley Authority has documented nearly 900 MW of "cost competitive" renewable energy from wind, biomass, solar and incremental hydropower just in TVA's service territory. And researchers at the University of Georgia have found commercially significant wind resources off the coast of Georgia and South Carolina.

  • A national RPS allows utilities to develop resources anywhere
  • Federal REC trading rules create a uniform price for renewable energy credits (RECs)

A national renewable energy market allows regulated utilities to invest in renewable resources wherever their development is most cost competitive.

A national REC trading market would allow generators to sell their RECs at a uniform price to retail suppliers anywhere in the nation. An expanded REC market generates more investment capital for renewable technologies by guaranteeing a more stable and predictable rate of return.

Litigation:

A National RPS Avoids Costly Court Battles

• Ambiguous state mandates invite law suits.

Utilities have gone to court over vague state RPS laws in Connecticut, Iowa, Massachusetts and New Mexico. New legal battles could be waged in Oregon and Washington.

• State RPS laws are vulnerable to Constitutional challenge.

California, Washington, DC, Maryland, Nevada, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Texas have all adopted restrictions on out-of-state renewable energy that many scholars agree violate the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution.

• A Constitutional challenge is inevitable.

Growing tension between state and federal utility regulators has engendered a kind of "Commerce Clause brinksmanship," that invites interstate utilities to challenge the constitutionality of state RPS mandates.

• The Supreme Court has already given FERC the authority to intervene.

The practical affect of the Supreme Court's 2002 decision in New York v. FERC is that "the federal government could assert jurisdiction all the way to the consumer's toaster if it so chose."

• A successful federal lawsuit could destroy state RPS programs.

One successful Commerce Clause challenge risks a cascade of copy-cat litigation, collapsing the entire state-based RPS structure and destroying the emerging interstate renewable energy market.

Environment:

A National RPS Better Conserves Water, Air and Land

• A national RPS would displace coal and natural gas.

In a 2002 assessment of a 10% national RPS, the Department f Energy determined that "the imposition of a national RPS would lead to lower generation from natural gas and coal facilities." Analysts have confirmed this trade-off in RPS states like Michigan, New York, Virginia, and Texas.

• Renewable energy offsets nuclear power.

Studies from Michigan, North Carolina, and Oregon found that renewable generation displaces new nuclear reactors and decreases the mining of uranium.

• A national RPS saves billions of gallons of water.

Conventional and nuclear power plants will soon be withdrawing more water for electricity production than America's farmers use for all the irrigated agriculture in the entire nation (over 3.3 billion gallons each day).

A nuclear reactor requires 600 times as much water to generate the same amount of electricity as a wind farm. A coal-fired plant uses 500 times as much water as a wind farm; A gas-fired plant uses 250 times as much.

A single 100-watt solar panel saves up to 3,000 gallons of water over its lifetime.

• A national RPS reduces air pollution.

Air pollution from conventional power plants kills between 50,000 and 70,000 Americans each year. A single 1 MW wind turbine (operating at only 30% capacity) displaces 96 tons of nitrous oxides, 69 tons of sulfur dioxide and 1800 pounds of toxic mercury during its 30-year lifespan.

• A national RPS reduces greenhouse gas emissions.

Renewable energies could offset almost ½ ton of carbon dioxide for every MW generated. A 20% by 2020 national RPS could reduce as much carbon dioxide as taking 71 million cars off the nation's roads.

• Renewable energies require less land then conventional power plants.

Including the land used for mining, transportation and generation, conventional coal-fired power plants use as much as 100 square kilometers of land for every GW of electricity generated.

Wind farms use up to 75% less land.

Over 95% of the land used for wind farms remains free for other uses like ranching and farming. Less than 40 square miles could support 38,000 wind turbines producing up to 4% of the nation's electricity demand each year.

Solar PV uses up to 90% less land.

America's entire current electricity demand could be generated by installing PV panels on only 7% of the country's available roofs, parking lots, and highway retaining walls.

Conclusion:

Now is the Time for Federal RPS

It is time that federal policymakers engage in an informed, comprehensive and rational debate about the few remaining objections to a federal RPS mandate. America faces serious and mounting energy problems:

  • continued dependence on dwindling foreign sources of fossil fuels and uranium
  • an undiversified electricity fuel mixture that leaves the nation vulnerable to serious national security threats
  • reliance on an ancient and overwhelmed transmission grid that risks more common, more pronounced, and more expensive catastrophic system failures
  • an impending climate crisis that will require massive and expensive emissions controls costing billions of dollars and substantially reducing U.S. GDP
  • loss of American economic competitiveness as Europe and Japan become the major manufacturing center for new clean energy technologies

It is time to decide. By establishing a consistent, national mandate and uniform trading rules, a national RPS can create a more just and more predictable regulatory environment for utilities while jump-starting a robust national renewable energy technology sector. By offsetting electricity that utilities would otherwise generate with conventional and nuclear power, a national RPS would decrease electricity prices for American consumers while protecting human health and the environment.

There is a time for accepting the quirks and foibles of state experimentation in national energy policy; and there is a time to look to the states as laboratories for policy innovation. Now is the time to model the best state RPS programs and craft a coherent national policy that protects the interests of regulated utilities and American consumers.

Now is the time for federal leadership.

Big Thanks

Could this be the first time I've actually thanked you outright, Dave?

You've put together one hell of a brief here, compelling enough that I am inclined to download the PDF. I can't promise I'll read it in one sitting, mind you but it looks as though the info is important enough that we should all be conversant with it.

I agree that, if the numbers can push higher (say 50% by 2030 minimum) this is an equal wedge to carbon taxes. At 20%, I'm not so convinced, but let's not get distracted by numbers at this stage.

My other concern is with the concern of consumer cost. Who cares? If we're really and truly going to pull this airplane out of its nosedive, it is going to HURT. Things will cost more. There will be 'regressive' taxes. The global economy way falter. SO WHAT. For naysayers to put economic concerns in front of environmental corrections merely steers the conversation into unproductive waters. Saving the world is going to be a very painful affair. We need to stop pretending that it won't be.


My usual rant...

It's not time.

RPS is a dumb path to a noble goal.  Clean energy good.  Lower fossil use good.  But why stipulate that we must take a specific path as delineated in the technologies that happen to make the cut as "renewable?"  Indeed, this is precisely why there is so much difference between the states.  Connecticut calls fuel cells renewable because they have lots of fuel cell manufacturers.  Maine calls all flavors of biomass renewable because they have lots of papermills.  In Pennsylvannia, "waste coal" is renewable!  

Is that bad?  Not entirely.  Indeed, a significant part of the objection from southern states - namely, that they would be net importers of power - is legit on that count.  If they had their own, state-specific standard they might tailor it to the resources they have rather than buy wind power from the Dakotas.  (And make no mistake, there is a wealth transfer inherent in an RPS based on wind + solar.)

But I am not suggesting that we simply punt to the states.  Rather, the differences between the states point out the central problem with an RPS that defines success by the path rather than the goal - and so long as we pursue this course, we are going to (a) create political constituencies to get on the official renewable list, independent of cleanliness and (b) perpetuate a fight between winners and losers.  

My prediction is that this RPS will not pass, nor will one like it for the simple reason that if more than 26 states are net purchasers of power, you won't get through the Senate.  And wind+solar doesn't get you 26 votes.  But look what you could do:  If you instead said that anyone who produces a kWh without increasing carbon emissions gets a credit, you open the floodgates.  Suddenly, Louisiana can look at all the waste heat coming off their industrial base which could be converted into power and find themselves exporting RECs.  The lumbermills throughout the SE could recover their sawdust to make power.  Every state that uses natural gas could recover waste heat off their pipeline compressor stations to make power.  And of course, tons of technologies that no one's thought of.  Presto, you're through the senate.  Presto, we're no longer quibbling about whether all those presently-non-monetized-benefits are sufficient to offset costs.  Presto, we're not depending on costs of solar falling fast enough to stay under the "circuit breaker" (most RPS's  are supply constrained).

Bottom line - clean energy is good, but an RPS is simply a place to waste political energy that would be better focused on deploying clean energy.

Tod

You're right that at some point we have to pay the cost, but I don't think you've framed it right.  The question is not whether or not an RPS creates benefits (reduced gas clearing prices, etc.)  The question is whether or not it is the most cost-effective way to achieve those benefits.  If I can save a dollar a year with a $2 investment and can also save a dollar a year with a 50 cent investment, there is no good reason to make the $2 investment so long as I've still got 50 cent opportunities. If we think of our returns being less carbon instead of dollars per se, then we can reframe this simple example in the context of limited wallets to say categorically that an RPS that compels me to make those $2 investments is implicitly a decision NOT to reduce the maximum amount of carbon.  (Since my money runs out quicker on $2 investments.)

This is the crux of the problem with path-based RPS rules.  If we reward anyone who gets to that goal, businesses will preferentially deploy the most cost-effective investments towards that goal.  (And if we don't like what they invest in, then it is because we haven't properly articulated the goal, so lets' think carefully about the goal.)  By contrast, if we simply reward anyone who invests in a particular path towards that goal, we virtually ensure that we haven't invested in the lowest-cost path, since we can't possibly think through every possibility before we pass the law.

So yes, at some point we may have to accept economic pain in return for environmental gain.  But that doesn't mean that all economic pain is de facto beneficial, or that the particular pain we've taken on is even the best way to get the gain.

RPS

This shows why it is sometimes important to pick winners. We have clean energy technology,but we need to deploy it. If just encourage a least cost approach then we don't develop and sun and wind sufficiently, and when the time comes to move to 100% renewable the technology will be more expensive than if we encourage development now. And note an RPS does not pick specific winners. It just specifies that 20% of power must be renewable within a certain length of time. The  utility is free to choose sun, wind, geothermal, wave or whatever - or provide incentives for customers to install generators on their roof or in their backyard.

No, it's not

Gar - this is most definitely an exercise in picking winners, because the definition of renewable energy is stipulated in the bill.  It therefore omits (a) energy sources that are comparably clean/renewable, but didn't happen to be included in the list and (b) technologies that are developed subsequent to the bills introduction but weren't included in the list of winners.  

I will confess a personal bias towards waste heat recovery and use it as an example, but please note that the example is illustrative of a broader problem.  We are aware of over 50,000 MW of power that could be presently generated from waste heat at US industrials. For comparison, we have about 100,000 MW of nuclear energy, but this stuff doesn't have the waste disposal problems and is a lot cheaper - and doesn't require any additional carbon release.  It's not in the RPS.  Meaning that if the RPS passes, we will preferentially direct scarce capital towards more expensive clean technologies that are included, and therefore reduce less overall carbon.

OK, you might say - so let's add that into the definition.  But that only puts off one problem for another.  I know about this technology, but others know of others.  Pressure reduction stations on gas pipelines dissipate prodigious amounts of energy that could be recovered.  Tidal energy systems might come on line.  Or for harder issues, how do we feel about technologies that reduce carbon, but increase emissions of other species, like a biomass facility burning construction and demolition waste.  Dirtier than a solar panel, but cleaner than coal.  Should it be partially incentivized?  Maybe - and a thoughtful policy would do so.  An RPS does none of the above. It simply says "incentivize technologies X, Y, and Z".  

Please note that I am not in any way suggesting that we do not incentivize clean technology, nor that we sit on our hands and wait.  What I am suggesting is write this as a goal (say, 2 cents per clean kWh, with clean defined as 0 carbon/kWh) and then let markets chase.

One other point

What's not widely appreciated is that an RPS with a "circuit breaker" (e.g., "if you can't meet your % target at X c/kWh or less, you can simply pay the difference to an R&D fund that will use it to accelerate the development of green technologies") doesn't necessarily accelerate the deployment of clean energy.  Moreover, ever RPS that I'm aware of has a circuit breaker AND defined renewable so narrowly to be always supply-constrained.  

Thus, in Massachusetts, a renewable energy credit has been worth $50/MWH for a long time - not because this is the inherent value of renewable energy, but because that's where the circuit breaker is, and we can't deploy enough renewable - as so defined.  OK, but that's OK because we accelerate the R&D, right?  Not quite - because you now create a huge political constituency to ensure that those R&D dollars keeps flowing, which is in direct conflict with the desire to deploy more clean energy.  And so the net result of the RPS structure is to compromise the deployment of clean energy.

I apologize for the length and rambling details, but hope you can appreciate the underlying frustration.  The fact that we need more renewables - which is indisputable - does not ergo mean that we need an RPS, at least as they have been formulated.

Casten's Confusion

First, thank you Dave for the accolades on our report.  Believe me...we ran into the same "friggin hard" problem of boiling these issues down to a report that anyone would have the time to read (we could have written 1500 pages!).

Second, Sean Casten...you should follow Dave's advice and READ THE REPORT.  Every single one of your objections is answered in detail.

YES, implementing an RPS stupidly results in a stupid RPS.  That's why Dr. Sovacool and I spend an entire chapter discussing how the lessons learned from the states show us how to design a proper federal RPS statute.

In any event, the short and sweet answers to your rant are:

  • States are already choosing winners.  Most state RPS mandates list eligible technologies.  So whatever damage that "choosing winners" causes is already being done.

  • A federal statute can actually SOLVE this problem by adopting a fuel-based, not a technology-based definition of renewable energy.  The statute shouldn't determine the winners.  The market should (and can).

  • The "fine" for non-compliance is that regulated utilities would have to buy renewable credits from suppliers developing renewable resources where they are most cost-competitive.  By creating a national REC trading market, utilities actually SAVE money ($14 billion, actually) over complying with conflicting state mandates with their own set of irrational non-compliance mechanisms.

If you care about these issues as much as your passion here indicates, then READ THE REPORT.  You might just find you're a closet RPS advocate.  ;)

 

Thanks, Chris

You're right.  150 pages is a lot - and my comments are broadly about RPS rather than about your specific report.  But I don't think we're actually in substantial disagreement.  If you'll humor me to only respond to your short and sweet summary:

  1. I think we're in agreement on this one.  Unless you're arguing that "the states got it wrong, so it's OK if the feds get it wrong too" (which I don't think you are), then we are simply in agreement that we shouldn't repeat the states' mistakes at the federal level.  To which - if I'm not putting words in your mouth - I completely agree.

  2. I think that may still be too narrow, since we have simply shifted the problem from picking technologies to picking fuels.  Our goal ought not be "more solar" any more than it ought to be "more coal".  Our goal ought be lower carbon power.  (I will concede that most RPS constraints factor in more than carbon, from SOx/NOx impacts to issues of closed-loop biomass accounting.  However, my experience is that once you frame it as a goal, smart, well intentioned people can generally agree on an acceptable definition, and usually agree that carbon trumps.)  But stipulating fuel does not necessarily ensure that we maximally reduce carbon, since it could exclude fuels that weren't contemplated in the standard.  MSW?  Waste heat?  Biomass?  How about a cogen facility that only reduces 50% as much carbon as a solar panel, but does so for 1/10th of the cost?  Should we choose to deploy finite resources to reduce less carbon simply because the solar panel has larger per kWh impacts?  Each of these options, to greater or lesser degrees leads to a reduction in carbon emissions and ought be rewarded for doing so.  Stipulating that the only acceptable fuels are wind, solar, geothermal - or even including the above on the list - only ensures that we're still forgetting to add something good.  What am I missing?

  3. I may be misunderstanding this last point, but how does that work if the market is supply constrained?  If we mandate 20% renewables, but the market only brings 15% on line, what happens to the price, and who pays?

I'm still not sure I'm a closet RPS advocate.  I am an advocate of getting carbon pricing right so the market can respond, but the central and critical test of any carbon policy has to be that it treats all tons of carbon in the same way.  The problem with an RPS (and, indeed much cap & trade) is that they start by constraining participation and therefore do not treat all carbon reductions equivalently, causing goofy, and inefficient economic outcomes.  If you can convince me that there is any way to structure a path-based RPS to treat all tons equivalently, I will come out of my proverbial closet though...

just fyi, the RPS (HR 969) is...

...now an amendment to HR 3221:

Below the fold are links to tables of descriptions of the amendments that have been filed - but NOT YET approved by the Rules Committee for debate and votes tomorrow. Remember, the Energy Tax Bill is H.R. 2776. The General Energy Bill is H.R. 3221. The modified version of the Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS) bill, the old H.R. 969, was filed as an amendment (#96) to H.R. 3221.

UPDATE: CAFÉ amendments have been withdrawn from consideration.

http://www.theoildrum.com/node/2840

This means it will go through the standard amendment process...not sure what that means re: the likelihood of passage.

profgoose, The Oil Drum

Interesting

Where would this fit in?

http://www.scientificblogging.com/news/experimental_gas_t ...

The 5% Project

Also . . .

Would it not be maximally effective to mandate consumption reduction goals in ANY related legislation? That is, simply switching power sources and/or finding cheaper power is fine, but the FASTEST and most effective way to reach an 80% reduction by 2030 is to REDUCE consumption. It would be folly to not mandate usage reductions in any and all energy-related legislation.

RPS not intended as sole policy

The idea of an RPS is not that it be the sole policy. It is a policy to encourage renewable sources. Although  efficiency increase can actually  supply greater emissions reductions than source substitution, the greatest emissions reductions will come from combining both  - using renewable electricity urgently as David say.

Sean,

It's late at night in Chicago (see you soon!), so I can't add much, but I would urge you, in Chris's words, to READ ... ahem ... read the report. I think you'll find quite a bit of thought went in to addressing your objections, and many others like them.

Two points I'd like to emphasize:

  1. The question is not RPS vs. no RPS, but national RPS vs. existing patchwork of state RPSs. Your objections apply in spades to many of the state RPSs, so unless you think it's likely that they'll all be repealed, you might think of a national RPS, even if not optimal, as an improvement over the present state of affairs.

  2. An RPS is but one policy. It's not meant to be the only one.

Anyway, have a look at the report. It's good reading.

grist.org
Ok, devil's advocate here

Where is the evidence that federal environmental standards like an RPS won't simply LIMIT the more aggressive states?

The 5% Project
RPS - Call in the Feds

JMG - Limiting states that want to go beyond the federal RPS mandate is, of course, a concern.  But it is easily addressed with a "Savings clause" that makes the federal mandate a floor, not a ceiling.

Sean - I think you are getting lost in the assumption that a path-based RPS is intended as solely (or even substantially) a carbon-reduction mechanism.  Frankly, I don't even think that is the main purpose of an RPS.  It's a side-benefit.  But, obviously, lawmakers would need to pursue other, more direct (and aggressive) emissions reductions efforts.  In my view, the primary purpose of an RPS is to provide a larger, more predictable pool of investment capital for emerging technologies and to help diversify the nation's electricity fuels.  Carbon is secondary.

RPS Likelihood

Just an FYI - I give the likelihood of passage of HR 969 no more than a 10% chance.   As it is, it's not a particularly good FORM of federal RPS as it duplicates some of the fatal flaws in state-based RPS that we outline in the NNEC report.  But, more importantly, I'm not sure the Democrats want to take this issue off the table prior to the 2008 elections.  So, I'd expect a lot of talk, but little action before the next congress.  

HOWEVER, should the '08 elections go swimmingly for the Democrats...I would expect rapid movement on a federal RPS early in 2009.  (That's my reading of the tea leaves...and probably just as accurate...).  :-)

Chris - RPS goals

Chris,

I don't disagree that the RPS has been wrapped up in lots of other issues like job creation, tech development, etc., and in this sense I agree with you that they are not just about carbon.  

But one must step back from this and ask why we are choosing to go this path.  They are not about fuel diversity per se (since fuel diversity could be interpreted to mean coal-derived liquids).  They are also not about job creation per se, since lots of other things do that.  They have been held up (and in this respect, quite successful) as means to grow nascent renewables industry manufacturers and jobs - but this must be understood in terms of the benefits.  Creating jobs at thin film solar manufacturers is only socially beneficial if we believe that the world would be better if we had more thin film solar.  This is why I say that ultimately, carbon trumps.  Yes, they are not explicitly written as being driven by carbon, but as a practical matter, they are designed to encourage carbon reduction.  And it is on precisely this measure where they become politically inefficient, because this goal ought to be directly rewarded.  Otherwise, it's just winner picking.

FYI: late breaking news from the House today is that they couldn't get the votes at 20% so they dropped to 15%.  Couldn't get the votes there so they added energy efficiency to the mix.  Appears to be close now, but they're closing up shop for the day.  Will see what happens over the weekend.

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