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Book review: Hell and High WaterA review of Joe Romm's new bookPosted by Gar Lipow (Guest Contributor) at 12:50 PM on 14 Jan 2007Joseph Romm's Hell and High Water may be the most depressing book on global warming I've ever read. He writes of a "Planetary Purgatory" [UPDATE - by the 22nd Century], where sea level rises 20 feet, many coastal cities are subject to such frequent hurricanes they are abandoned, and most of the Greenland ice mass melts. What are today considered heat waves become normal summers, with more and more forest and agricultural land lost to fire and drought. Here's the really bad news: this is not what Romm is trying to avoid, but what he hopes to settle for.
He spends little time considering how to reduce losses below the "purgatory" level. Deniers and Delayers, who he compares to Neville Chamberlain and Herbert Hoover, are likely to prevent the U.S. from doing anything about the problem in the near future. Even if politics shifts slightly left in 2009, they are likely to have enough influence to prevent real (as opposed to symbolic) action from taking place. China already uses U.S. inaction as an excuse for greatly increasing its emissions, planning a new a coal plant every week for decades. The U.S., in turn, will use this as further excuse for inaction. In essence, the U.S. and China have a mutual suicide pact, and look likely to take the rest of world along with them. To reverse this fully, to produce actual emission cuts, would require a massive program whereby the U.S. and China deployed new infrastructure on a scale comparable to war mobilization -- instituting massive efficiency improvements and shutting down existing power plants to replace them low-carbon electricity generators. The problem is not just new emissions, but historical emissions. Rich nations, especially the U.S. and Britain, are responsible for the creating the problem, since they produced the most. Even after China catches up with the U.S. in absolute output, they will produce much less per capita than we do. As Romm implies, but does not explicitly state, China is not going to pay to clean up the rich world's mess; neither is the rest of developing world. And worldwide emissions reductions could only happen through a deal where the rich nations cut their own emissions at their own expense and paid the poorer nations to cut theirs as well. This is what Romm thinks is politically impossible. My fear is that he is right. He was acting assistant secretary for the Department of Energy in the mid-90s, served as special assistant for international security to Peter Goldmark, president of the Rockefeller Foundation, and consulted extensively with some of the nation's largest corporations on emissions reductions. He is a physicist, and businessman, and political insider. He is resigned to what he thinks is inevitable and simply hopes to avoid worse. My hope is that a lifetime spent in insider elite politics causes him to underestimate what a bottom-up grassroots movement can accomplish. What does Romm think politically possible? Basically he hopes to adapt the Pacala and Socolow wedges (PDF) to keep emissions from rising further than they already have. The wedges he favors include:
Politically, even this requires we give up our anti-government fetish. Not only does Romm want to put a price on carbon (via emissions trading), he wants rule- or quantity-based regulations for buildings, industrial infrastructure, and transportation. He sees only two paths to this: Either conservatives begin to understand the seriousness of global warming and give up their prejudices against regulation and government intervention in the economy, or a massive grassroots movement on climate change emerges. He hopes for a massive single-issue movement. This is where his big political mistake lies -- you can't get as large a grassroots movement around global warming as even the changes Romm thinks possible require. While global warming is already causing a great deal of suffering, the worst consequences (especially in the U.S.) will only start hitting ten to twenty years from now. It is almost impossible to build a grassroots movement on the scale Romm wants to stop changes 20 years away. A better answer is for a climate coalition to build itself within a larger progressive movement. The Iraq war is far from the first time our oversized military has had its foot on the world's neck. Nor is it the only way we push other nations around, even today, usually at high cost to our own people. Labor rights, women's rights, and racial equality are on the decline; there's pushback against GLBT and the disabled. Today there are new bipartisan attempts to destroy social security and a lack of serious efforts to establish universal health care. The same conservatives who oppose doing anything about global warming are on the wrong side on these issues as well. The same "centrists" who either go along with them or oppose them weakly are the same ones who will support symbolic rather than substantive action against climate chaos. A coalition that supported real action on global warming, as part of movement that supported real solutions on these other issues too, would have a much better chance of winning than a single-issue group. It would have a broader base and could offer more immediate relief from problems; because global warming wouldn't be its only or even main issue, it would produce quicker results in the lives of ordinary people. Yes, this is low probability. But so is a successful grassroots single-issue campaign that can win even the changes Romm wants. It's as much a "political improbability" as Romm's own plan, and no more an "impractical impossibility." And as he says: "occasionally political realities can change fast." Technically, Romm is sound. There are problems in two of his wedges -- nuclear power and sequestration -- but he acknowledges them frankly. The wedges I would propose against Romm's are the following:
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